The Contrasting Worlds of Thailand
August 27th 2010 09:24
Most travellers to Thailand are never able to sum up the country in one word, sentence or idea, nor should they. In the North, villages dot the landscape living precariously between their traditional and modern existence. In the South, beaches such as Railay or islands like Koh Phangan attract a farang (foreign) crowd looking for sun, sand, aesthetic beauty and a debaucherous drinking session or two. Then there is Bangkok, catering to the hearts and minds of all who seek fulfillment. A city maintained by millions of rich, middle class and poor individuals of every taste, acting as a microcosm for the nation as a whole.
Thailand is also one of those countries without a defined place in the rigid and clearly outdated dichotomy between developed and developing. Infrastructure and telecommunications are up there with the best of them. Granted, this has to a certain degree been the product of a burgeoning tourism industry but the wealth generated in other business sectors cannot be understated. Moreover, education in remote areas and for the urban poor remains a pressing issue for the country. This includes the absence of citizenship to many Thai born school aged children, consequential to their parent’s ethnic origins.
The recent national polarisation between the red and yellow shirts further highlights unsolved socio-political tensions. The rural poor and supporters of former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawat label the current government, installed following the 2006 coup, as illegitimate. In contrast, the middle class yellow shirts contend that Thaksin is a corrupt power hungry businessman, who bought votes through tax-funded rural development projects. In any case development in the country has taken on a binary nature between beneficiaries and the neglected. Education appears to be the determining factor on the level of benefit one holds, more so than economic situation alone.
The nation prides itself on remaining un-colonised while its neighbours fell to British, French and Dutch hands. Despite this fact Thailand often appears as a perfect example of Asia’s absorption of the West. This is simply an observation and not an attack on Thailand’s chosen route to modernisation. The absence of colonialism has meant the country and its people experienced less bloodshed than other Southeast Asian countries. However, the costs are similar to other regions where localised cultures are nullified by the goal of economic prosperity and the uniformity of Thai national culture.
The result of the current conflicts will be an interesting case study for the region. Thailand remains one of the most important nations in Asia. How the Government rests concerns over the country’s development will hopefully be observed by other ASEAN nations (Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, Brunei, Myanmar, Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam) at the very least. It is unlikely that the wealth generating Tourism industry will retract significantly. Meanwhile it is further unlikely that poorer regions of the nation will regress their fight for a greater voice in the national psyche. The streets of Bangkok remain a place of much interest for an ever developing and dynamic Thailand.
Thailand is also one of those countries without a defined place in the rigid and clearly outdated dichotomy between developed and developing. Infrastructure and telecommunications are up there with the best of them. Granted, this has to a certain degree been the product of a burgeoning tourism industry but the wealth generated in other business sectors cannot be understated. Moreover, education in remote areas and for the urban poor remains a pressing issue for the country. This includes the absence of citizenship to many Thai born school aged children, consequential to their parent’s ethnic origins.
The recent national polarisation between the red and yellow shirts further highlights unsolved socio-political tensions. The rural poor and supporters of former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawat label the current government, installed following the 2006 coup, as illegitimate. In contrast, the middle class yellow shirts contend that Thaksin is a corrupt power hungry businessman, who bought votes through tax-funded rural development projects. In any case development in the country has taken on a binary nature between beneficiaries and the neglected. Education appears to be the determining factor on the level of benefit one holds, more so than economic situation alone.
The nation prides itself on remaining un-colonised while its neighbours fell to British, French and Dutch hands. Despite this fact Thailand often appears as a perfect example of Asia’s absorption of the West. This is simply an observation and not an attack on Thailand’s chosen route to modernisation. The absence of colonialism has meant the country and its people experienced less bloodshed than other Southeast Asian countries. However, the costs are similar to other regions where localised cultures are nullified by the goal of economic prosperity and the uniformity of Thai national culture.
The result of the current conflicts will be an interesting case study for the region. Thailand remains one of the most important nations in Asia. How the Government rests concerns over the country’s development will hopefully be observed by other ASEAN nations (Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, Brunei, Myanmar, Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam) at the very least. It is unlikely that the wealth generating Tourism industry will retract significantly. Meanwhile it is further unlikely that poorer regions of the nation will regress their fight for a greater voice in the national psyche. The streets of Bangkok remain a place of much interest for an ever developing and dynamic Thailand.
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